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‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝِﻔﻌل ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ" )‪Ferguson 1984, ) ،(affirmative action programs‬‬
‫‪ .(4‬ﻭﻴﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺘﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ "ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ) ‪Ferguson 1984, 5; Elshtain 1981; Ruddick 1989; Denhardt‬‬

                                                                         ‫‪.(and Perkins 1976‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﹸﺘﻌﺩ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫– ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺎﺩﻝﻥ – ﺴﺒ‪‬ﺒﺎ ﻝﻼﻨﺯﻋﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻓﹰﻘﺎ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﺭﺤﻪ ﻜﺎﺭﻭل ﺒﺎﺘﻤـﺎﻥ )‪ ،(Carole Pateman‬ﺘـﺩﺨل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺴﻬل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺠل ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ "ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻘـﺩ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻗـﺼﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺤﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺘﺒﺕ ﺒﺎﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺤﻭل "ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ" )‪.(1988, 232‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺭﻓﺽ ﺒﺎﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻲ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺯﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻔﺘـﺭﺽ ﺍﺴـﺘﻘﻼﻝﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻭﻴﻤﻠﻙ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻴﺒﺭﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺎﻤل ﺃﺒ ‪‬ﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺒل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻜﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻜﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪‬ﻴﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺽ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨ‪‬ﻴﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩ ﻤﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺩﺍﺌ ‪‬ﻤﺎ ﺒﺨﻀﻭﻋﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺠﺩﺍﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﻅﺎ ‪‬ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩ‪‬ﻴﺎ"‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺒﺎﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺘﺤـﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ "ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬

                                                           ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل" )‪.(1988, 232‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻜﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻨﻅﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﻁﺭﺡ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﻴﺭﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﻀـﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻜﺯ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﻴﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺤﻤﻠﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴـﺎﺕ )ﻤﺜـل‪Kirkpatrick :‬‬
‫‪ .(1974, 1976; Diamond 1977; Githens and Prestage 1977‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺭﻜـﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ )ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﺴـﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜـﺎل‪:‬‬

                                                                            ‫‪.(Freeman 1975‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻀﻁﻠﻌﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﺤـﻭل ﻨـﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺨـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﻴﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﻠﺕ ﺠﻴﻥ ﻜﻴﺭﻜﺒﺎﺘﺭﻴﻙ ) ‪Jean‬‬
‫‪ (J. Kirkpatrick‬ﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻭل ‪ ٥٠‬ﺍﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻘﻭﻝﻬﺎ‪" :‬ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ" )‪.(1974, 217‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﻥ ﻻﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻥ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠـﺎل ﺒﺤﻜـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺎﺜل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺘـﻲ ﻗﺎﻤـﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ) ‪1974,‬‬
‫‪ .(220‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻁﻤﺄﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻝﺭﺠل ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

                                                   ‫ﻝﻴﺴﺕ "ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﻜﻴﺭﻜﺒﺎﺘﺭﻴﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

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