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‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﺴﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻤﺒﻴﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﺼﺭﺍﺤﺔ )ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺯ( ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻻﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴـﻭﺃ ﺍﻷﺤـﻭﺍل‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﺼـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴ‪‬ﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻀﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﺴـﺒﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺜـﺎل‪ .(Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee 1954, 25; Campbell et al. 1960, 489-90 :‬ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﻨﻅﻡ ﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴـﺒﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ .(Campbell et al. 1960, 492-2 :‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﺩﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﺼﻭﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﺃﻗـل ﻤـﻥ ﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻝﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﺼﻭﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻷﺯﻭﺍﺠﻬﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻤﺜﻠﻬﻡ )ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺴـﺒﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ .(Campbell et al., 485-6, 492-3 :‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ "‪‬ﻴﻀﻔﻴﻥ ﻁﺎﺒ ‪‬ﻌﺎ ﺸﺨﺼ‪‬ﻴﺎ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻬﺘﻤﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜـﺎل‪Greenstein 1965, 108; Almond :‬‬
‫‪ .(and Verba 1963, 535‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺘﻬﻥ ﻭﺃﺼﻭﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺩﻝﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﺼﻭﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺃﺯﻭﺍﺠﻬﻥ( )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪Almond and Verba 1963, :‬‬
‫‪ ،(535‬ﻭﺃﻗل ﺘﺴﺎﻤ ‪‬ﺤﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻴﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﻴﻥ )ﻋﻠﻰ‬

                                                       ‫ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪.(Stouffer 1955, 131-55 :‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺤـﻭﺙ‬
‫ﻴﺸﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪/‬ﻱ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﺨـﺎﺹ‪Jaquette 1974; :‬‬
‫‪ .(Bourque and Grossholtz 1974; Goot and Reid 1975‬ﻭﻨﻅ ‪‬ﺭﺍ ﻷﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻜﺎﻤل ﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺤـﻭﺙ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺴﻔﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﻥ ﺃﻗل ﺤﻨﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍ ﹰﻁﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩل‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﺨﹸﻠﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ )ﻜﻤﺎ‬

                     ‫ﻨﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﺃﺩﻨﺎﻩ( ﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﻝﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﻼﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺌل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺸﻜﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻬـﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻷﺴـﺎﺱ ﻨﺤـﻭ ﺍﻻﻀـﻁﻼﻉ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺃﻨﺸﻁﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻀ ‪‬ﺤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺘﺎﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜـﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒـﻲ‬
‫)‪ .(Elshtain 1974‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﹸﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻭﺤـﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﺭﺍﺼـﺔ )‪(Sapiro 1989; Goot and Reid 1975‬‬
‫ﻴﺤﺘل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﻴﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘـﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻤﺜـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻭﺃﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺭﺠل ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋـﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ‪‬ﻴﻘﺎﺱ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻨﺎﻗـ ‪‬ﺼﺎ ) ‪Bourque and Grossholtz‬‬
‫‪ .(1974‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ ﻤﻘﺒﻭﻝـﺔ ﺃﻴـ ‪‬ﻀﺎ ﺒﻭﺼـﻔﻬﺎ‬

                  ‫"ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ‪ -‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ -‬ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ‪‬ﻭﺠﻬﺕ‬
‫)ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﹸﺘﻭﺠﻪ( ﺤﻭل ﻤﺴﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺩﺭﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﻅ ‪‬ﺭﺍ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻻﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺒﺎﻨﺨﻔـﺎﺽ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﹸﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻠـﻭﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺇﻤﺒﻴﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ؛‬
‫ﺒل ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜل‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻗـﻊ‬

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