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‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﺭﻜﺯﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﺼﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ )‪ (Brown 1988, 11‬ﺸﺠﺒﻥ "ﺠﻨـﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ" ﻭﺼﺭﺤﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ "ﺃﻓﻠﺴﺕ ﺘﻤﺎ ‪‬ﻤﺎ" ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺤـﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ )‪ .(Clarke and Lange 1979, xvii; Figes 1970‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﺒﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻨﻅﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﺴﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺩﺍﺨـل ﺍﻷﺴـﺭﺓ ) ‪Okin 1979; Elshtain‬‬
‫‪ .(1981; Eisenstein 1981‬ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺴﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻤﻭﻝﺭ ﺃﻭﻜـﻴﻥ )‪ (Susan Moller Okin‬ﺃﻥ ﺠـﺯ ‪‬ﺀﺍ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻨﻅﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻀﺔ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻁﺭﺤﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨـﺩ ﻭﻀـﻊ ﺃﺴـﺎﺱ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪’ :‬ﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل؟‘ ﻭ’ﻤﺎ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‘‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﺘـﺴﺎﺅﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨـﺩ‬

                                              ‫ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪’ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ؟‘" )‪.(Okin 1979, 10‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻤﻭﻝﺭ ﺃﻭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﺘﻨﺎ ٍﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻥ ﺍﻝـﺼﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻬﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺼﻭﺭ ﻋﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻤﺜـﻴﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝﻪ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻨﻅﺭﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﺜـل ﺃﻫﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪‬ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﺼﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨـﺔ ) ‪Pateman 1980b; Eisenstein 1981; Elshatain‬‬
‫‪ .(1981; Saxonhouse 1985‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺃﻴ ‪‬ﻀﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝـﺭﻏﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭل‪ ،‬ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻔﻨﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ "ﺃﻀﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺜﻡ ﻗﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺏ" ﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ ﻝﻠﻨـﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻭﺼـﻔﻬﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻁﺭﺡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

                                  ‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺼﺩﻯ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﻴﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﺤـﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠـﻭﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻬـﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺨﹸﻠﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﺸـﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﻨـﺎﻭل‬

                                         ‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل‪:‬‬

‫‪Angus Campbell et al., The American Voter; Robert Lane, Political Life; Fred Greenstein,‬‬

‫‪Children and Politics; Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture; Robert Dahl,‬‬

‫‪Who Governs?; and Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (Bourque and Grossholtz‬‬

‫‪1974; Sapiro 1979; Tickner 1991).‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻫﺸﺔ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻨﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺠـﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻜﺭﺱ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺎﺒﻬﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﺎﺀ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺒﺤﺙ‬
‫)ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜ ﹰﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺭﺠﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺸﺎﺒﻴﺭﻭ ‪ Virginia Sapiro‬ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠـﻕ ﺒﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‪Robert Dahl's Who :‬‬

                          ‫?‪ ،(Governs‬ﻏﺎﻝ‪‬ﺒﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﻤﻥ ﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ )‪.(Sapiro 1979‬‬

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